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Wow, this post is fastidious, my sister is analyzing such things, so I am going to convey her. The waist-pit i s thus c a l l e d because the p i t i s positioned near the waist of the deceased. Xiaotun M was a p i t grave with a wooden chamber 3. There were eight human s a c r i f i c i a l victims as well as four dogs, one of which was placed i n the waist-p i t.
The b u r i a l was previously plundered. The remaining b u r i a l goods included ten bronze vessles, nine weapons and some jade, s h e l l and bone ornaments Shi M, to be 'predynastic 1 Shang at Xiaotun Locus North Other scholars have dated t h i s tomb variously see pp.
The significance of M18 and M17 i s summarized by Zheng Zhenxiang'jhis view E representative of the Institute of Archaeology's position on t h i s question: The major achievement of these two tombs i s that they help determine the date of the Fu Hao Tomb. In par-t i c u l a r , the large numbers of pottery vessels of Tomb Number 18 leave no question as to i t s Yinxu Period II date, and i t s many bronze r i t u a l vessels l i n k the tomb with the tomb of Fu Hao. This shows that the Tomb of Fu Hao was not an isolated b u r i a l.
It should be mentioned, however, that the correspondence i n date between M5 and MM18 has been questioned by V i r -g i n i a Kane, who c r i t i c i z e s the method used by the Institute for a r t i f a c t u a l association. Kane her s e l f concludes that M5 ought to belong to a period 'at le a s t two or three gene-rations l a t e r than M17 and M18' A north-south oriented tomb with two; ramps and a rare cross-shaped chamber was found.
The cross-shaped chamber was 5. There were twenty-eight s k u l l s and pieces of human skele-t a l fragments. For f u l l excavation report see Shi Wang Shimin mentions that the number of bronze vessels i n the Fu Hao tomb exceeds the t o t a l number of s c i e n t i f i c a l l y excavated Anyang bronze vessels Kaogu b I assume that the l a t t e r figure would not include those Anyang bronzes unearthed before L i Xueqin also mentions that there are altogether only several hundred s c i e n t i f i -c a l l y excavated bronze vessels i n Anyang L i As fo r bronzes unearthed i n the s and s now kept i n 38 Notes: II Taiwan , they number Chang Based on the above information, I thus have the impression that the M5 bronze vessels make up about one third—more on the plus s i d e — o f a l l s c i e n t i f i c a l l y excavated bronze vessels i n the Anyang region.
The most convenient sources f o r reproduc-tions of these bronzes are L i and Wan , 5 v o l s , Wenwu Henan chutu Shangzhou qingtongqi , and of course, given the importance of M5, YXFHM i t s e l f. The largest clusters of small b u r i a l s are the eastern sec-t i o n of Xibeigang f i g.
A and Xiaotun Locus North. The 2, figure i s suggested by Yang Xizhang The figure includes the archaeological sessions. For the question of the consideration of the M5 s i t e as a cemetery ground, see note 14 above; also see Zheng and Chen For the excavation report of Dasilong Cun see Ma et al. David Keightley suggests that the zhong and the ren were the forced labourers employed i n Shang ag r i c u l t u r e , con-s t r u c t i o n and warfare. The zhong were the state labourers 39 Notes: II whereas the ren were public workers.
This d i s t i n c t i o n could be drawn because the ren were mobilized by the king where-as the zhong, being permanently a v a i l a b l e , were not On occasion, zhong and ren were mobilized together eg. Qian 7.
Rather, zhongren as used by the Shang refe r s to the zhong and the ren separately Ibid. See Chang f o r a discussion on zhongren; also, M. Matsumaru, Kokotsugaku n. An impor-tant aspect of the entire mortuary practice i s i t s c o n t i -nued v i s i b i l i t y , such as the above ground Berawan mausoleum roofed box structure with supporting posts and the Egyptian pyramids.
Although the above are greatly varied i n physical s i z e , they point to a s i m i l a r set of purposes Huntington and Metcalf Huntington and Metcalf see note 24 above also make the important observations that i f we assume that labour-intensive phases of the con-st r u c t i o n of the dual pyramids at Sakkara and Abydos went on during the off-season of the a g r i c u l t u r a l cycle, then the e f f o r t involved was l a r g e l y one of coordination and organization, a task appropriate to nation building And that the mortuary e d i f i c e s of the early pharaohs were the symbol and proof of r o y a l authority Ibid.
Compared to the pyramids, however, the Shang tombs were constructed oh'much smaller scale, with or without above ground structure. On the other hand, the 41 Notes: II highly organized labour-intensive project of a national scale was, i n the case of Shang, the. A production which required a sophisticated process from the procurement of the metal sources to the ceramic molding and the f i n a l bronze casting.
This highly prescrip-tiv e organization required an extremely powerful centralized authority. The nature of the organization i s i t s e l f highly informative of Shang culture and society Ursula Franklin discussed the above i n a series of lectures given at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, November They are found on bronzes, one jade plaque and two stone a r t i f a c t s. Although i t only occurred six times — o n f i v e bronzes pis. This problem w i l l be explained i n d e t a i l below.
The three 'ya'-inscriptions items 4,5,6 above fig. The 'ya'- and 'ru'-inscriptions may i n turn be considered i n the l i g h t of Fu Hao's a c t i v i t i e s i n the external a f f a i r s of Shang ch. VII below. Guo also pro-posed that 'fu hao', among few other fu-names, was a consort of King Wuding 1 9 3 3.
Chou Hung-hsiang expanded the mean-ing of fu to include: 1. The s o c i a l status of f u , i n another words, probably changed according to the p o l i t i c a l rank of the male counterpart. It could s t i l l be a t i t l e that was defined i n a narrower sense rather thanin a n a t i o n a l l y uniform status.
Chou's 'female subject r u l e r ' category above 1 , however, showed some f u women to have enjoyed extremely high p o l i t i c a l status without the association of a male counterpart. The evidence f o r this 48 category was mainly based on those fu names which corres-ponded to place names in the oracle records, and yet there were no p a r a l l e l male names. These were divinations made by the Shang king on the a g r i c u l t u r a l harvests of regions with-i n h i s economic i n t e r e s t.
The d i r e c t r e c i p i e n t of such divinations was usually the r u l e r of the region concerned. The 'female subject r u l e r ' category poses new questions about the e a r l i e r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the fu as the 'wives of rank holders'. Chou concluded himself that t h i s 'subject r u l e r ' was the most i n s t r u c t i v e category as the evidence was more subs t a n t i a l , whereas the former f o u r — t h e 'female r e l a t i v e s ' —were merely suggestive, based only on the existence of p a r a l l e l proper names Ibid.
We are thus required to ask the question: was i t possible that even the f u of these ' r e l a t i v e s ' categories had higher p o l i t i c a l status than t h e i r male counterparts,? Chou also reexamined the r e l a t i o n of the fu and the Shang king. Evidence to show that some fu were consorts of the Shang kings i s i n d i r e c t but nevertheless suggestive.
It would seem reasonable to 49 suppose both an intimate and a high-ranking r e l a t i o n s h i p. It i s quite possible that she was his consort, or was one of the several' Chou This, however, may be an anachronistic reading of the Shang marital system, of which our knowledge i s s t i l l scarce.
More substantial evidence would be the actual association of the posthumous name of a formal king's consort designated i n l a t e r oracle records such as Xin, who was mentioned i n Period V records as one of the three o f f i c i a l consorts of the e a r l i e r King Wuding on the one hand, and a f u name on the other hand. As f a r as the oracle bone record i s concerned, t h i s association cannot be found.
This i s where the Fu Hao tomb comes into the picture. The coexistence of Fu Hao-bronzes and Xin-bronzes provides the missing l i n k i n the oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n. The problem of whether the 'fu hao' i n a l l Pu Hao related oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n s referred to a single i n d i v i d u a l w i l l be discussed in,' chapter VII.
F i r s t of a l l i n terms of the number of cha-racters and t h e i r arrangement. The l a t t e r are more ordered and severe whereas. As explained e a r l i e r , the ' s i mu x i n ' inscriptions substan-t i a t e the a t t r i b u t i o n of Pu Hao as the M5 owner; however, 'xin' was not only the name of a consort of King Wuding but also that of King Kangding.
I have also mentioned e a r l i e r that,some of the Pu Hao rel a t e d oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n s belong to the Diviner L i grouping, and the problem of dating has to be discussed i n consideration of the entire oracle bone grouping, including those oracle records unre-lated to Fu Hao but prepared by the diviners of the same 11 group.
This seemingly l o g i c a l deduction has also been challenged. The upper element looks l i k e a pictograph of a rabbit and i t s reading i s not known. Other than the f a c t that the Qiao-bronzes make up the second largest group of bronze vessels i n the tomb, the ' s i qiao mu' i n s c r i p t i o n i s p o t e n t i a l l y important because the same i n s c r i p t i o n has been found outside the in t a c t Fu Hao tomb.
Zheng Zhengxiang l i s t e d three accounts. They are found on: 1. The interpretations on the meaning of M66 included the dating of M66 to Yinxu Period I I b y a pottery vessel found i n the tomb—and thus suggesting a correspond-ing date f o r - the M5 Qiao-bronzes Zheng b to 55 regarding the Qiao-bronze l i d as an intrusion to M66 Kane note Another factor f o r the ' s i qiao mu' i n s c r i p -t i o n to a t t r a c t much scholarly attention i s the puzzle con cerning the graph gui found on two Qiao-bronzes.
Ya also continued to be a rank t i t l e i n the Western Zhou. The Ya Qi 3fe. V below. There are twenty-two Shu Quan-bronzes i n the Fu Hao tomb. Seven out of twenty-two Su Quan-inscriptions incorporate the t i t l e z i f i g. The Xin-bronzes help to confirm the s o c i a l p o s i t i o n and date of Fu Hao, but not without problems, which c a l l f o r the reexamination of, among other things, the Fu Hao-oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n s.
Formal analysis of the a r t i f a c t s may throw new l i g h t on problems that have been raised i n t h i s chapter. There are, however, seven items with only the second graph 'hao'. The Fu Mi Inscriptions 60 Notes; III To read the above i n s c r i p t i o n s as 'fu hao', one has to explain the existence of the additional kou fel and zhi V P elements above which are not found among the Fu Hao-bronze: i n s c r i p t i o n s of M5.
Furthermore, the oddity of t h i s incorporation- of the kou and zhi i n only one example, being d i s t i n c t from the accounts of Fu Hao-bronze i n s c r i p t i o n s , has to be accounted f o r. Even i f th i s i n s c r i p t i o n could be proven to be interpreted as 'fu hao', the existence of a Fu Hao-bronze outside of the int a c t M5 need not imply therefore that 'fu hao' was not a personal name see discussions on 'hao', pp.
She could have given out the vessel as a g i f t to someone else just as bronzes of others were found i n Fu Hao's tomb. I have followed Bernhard Karlgren, Grammata Serica Recensa f o r a l l phonological reconstructions of archaic Chinese used i n the paper. Although 'xiao' l i t e r a l l y meant 'small' , the xiaochen were high o f f i c i a l s i n Shang.
There were at l e a s t two categories of xiaochen i n the OBI: those who were o f f i c i a l s of the Shang court and those of the fang-states Ch'en Shirakawa Shizuka suggests that the fu were the wives of the zi -royal princes. VII below Shirakawa Shima also suggests that fu could be a hereditary t i t l e because nine t i t l e s of the form fu-x appear i n both OBI Periods I and IV Shima Naito Keightley comments that i f the divinations which Shima assigns to the OBI Period IV are, i n f a c t , from the Period I, the suggestion that fu was a hereditary t i t l e would be one that i s d i f f i c u l t to accept Kei.
Also the coexistence of Fu Hao-bronzes and Xin-bronzes i n M5 points strongly to the f u — i n the case of Fu Hao and probably a few others—being consorts of the king rather than of the zi - p r i n c e. See also discussions on 'fu' i n Ch'en and Oshima The r u l i n g of the Shang was designated ' z i i n the Shi. However, not a l l of i t s members could be king. Some female members of the Z i clan presumably from the r o y a l lineage became the endoga-mous spouses of the kings.
Female members of other clans are known to have been the exogamous spouses of the kings Chang following Shirakawa Shizuka and Hu Houxuan. This fangding was discovered i n i n the farm land of a Wuguan Cun v i l l a g e r Wu Yuyao. Apparently because of the huge size cm i n height and heavy weight, he was not able to unearth i t and The S i Mu Wu Inscription 64 Notes: III continued to keep i t "buried.
The fangding was f i n a l l y taken out i n and has since been kept i n the Nanjing Museum Ch'en This i s my understanding of a suggestion made by Professor Qiu Xigui. Following Akatsuka Kiyoshi. See Zhou et a l. The preface usually recorded the c y c l i c a l day on which the d i v i n a t i o n was performed, the name of the d i v i n e r , and sometimes the place of d i v i n a t i o n see Keightley b Since Dong Zuobin f i r s t formulated the dating c r i t e r i a f o r the OBI , the diviner's name has been one of the most 65 Notes: III important references f o r the date of an i n s c r i p t i o n.
Based on the mutual appearance of diviner names on the same s h e l l or bone, and the possible dating of the s h e l l or bone by the appellations with which the deceased ancestors were addressed, i t has been possible to establish groups of d i v i -ners who were active as contemporaries. Thus, an OBI may be known by the d i v i n e r group—such as the Diviner L i group— to which it,belongs. Por explanations of the association see Dong , Keightley b Chang Kwang-chih suggests that the tiangan 'heavenly stems' c y c l i c a l names designated the 'tablet u n i t ' a member of the r u l i n g clan pertained to.
They were classed by t i a n - gan units i n l i f e as well as i n death, but they were never referred to by them u n t i l a f t e r death Chang Yan Yiping transcribes the graph as yu. However the context of the Yibian i n s c r i p t i o n s does allow the i n t e r -pretation of 'to d i r e c t , govern', i n which case i t would mean 'to govern this town '. The Yibian graph looks closer to the bronze graph concerned see f i g.
If indeed they could be related i n some way, th i s would be an important clue f o r the interpre-tation of 'qiao'. Anyway, whether the 'qiao' graph does occur i n the OBI or not, Yan who thinks i t does continues to regard i t as a z i 'style-name' of Pu Hao Yan This i s s i m i l a r problem to the case of the Pu Nil you note 2 above. We are, however, more confident about the i d e n t i -f i c a t i o n of the non-M5 Qiao-bronzes th i s time.
See note 3 above. See note 8. See, f o r instance, Zheng b, who does suggest something to t h i s e f f e c t. See Chang , , f o r general discus-sions on the 'core region' and the 'outer domain' of Shang. This entire region may be considered as the nejfu of Shang. These i n s c r i p t i o n s record the Bi paying tributes to the Shang court Xu 5. The former suggests more of a place name.
In both cases the 'shu' graph i s not present and hence the bronze- and bone-inscriptions are probably not r e f e r r i n g to the same name. However, as suggested e a r l i e r , these t i t l e s could be defined i n narrower p o l i t i c a l environments rather than having a n a t i o n a l l y uniform status. They are probably at the same time a kinship- as well as an office-designation.
Judging from the r e l a t i v e tomb size and content of M5 and M18, i f they could be taken to represent the tomb of a f u and of a z i respectively ch. II note 14 , they indicate that the fu enjoyed much higher s o c i a l status than the z i. This would challenge Shirakawa's suggestion that the f u were the spouses of the jzi note 6 above. However, th i s comparison need not be a general case note 24 above.
The sheer quantity of the M5 bronzes—the r i t u a l vessels that make up about one t h i r d of a l l Shang bronze vessels s c i e n t i f i c a l l y exca-1 vated i n the Anyang region —makes thi s tomb c r u c i a l and at the same time problematical.
It i s t h i s s urprising number of bronze vessels i n the comparatively compact M5 that make us wonder how many more bronzes there would o r i g i n a l l y have been i n the much la r g e r , but almost completely looted, Xibeigang 2 tombs. Because of the large number and v a r i e t y of M5 bronzes there can be many ways to categorize them.
One way i s to do i t by typology, which i s the approachtaken i n Yinxu Fu Hao mu. There are four larger classes based on the functional usages of the vessels: 1. It would be misleading, how-ever, i f a l l M5 bronzes were regarded to be 'functional' i n the above sense.
Below the larger functional classes, the M5 bronzes are further c l a s s i f i e d into twenty-four types fig. Rather, I w i l l s e l e c t i v e l y discuss a few bronzes i n order to provide an impression of the range of bronzes a v a i l a b l e , to hig h l i g h t some outstanding pieces, as well as to pose questions on the nature of the assemblage.
These w i l l be followed by a s i m p l i f i e d inventory, l i s t i n g the major sets and pairs of bronzes. There w i l l also be a discussion on the grouping of the bronzes based on i n s c r i p -t ions. The interpretations of the various i n s c r i p t i o n s discussed i n chapter III w i l l here be considered i n r e l a t i o n to these groupings. A four-size scale based on the height of the vessel w i l l be used throughout the discussion, — 'grand' : about 45 to 80 cm, 'large' : about 30 to 45 cm, 'medium': about 20 to 30 cm, 'small' : about 8 to 20 cm.
Art h i s t o r i c a l and archaeological dating of the bronzes and r e l a t e d issues w i l l be discussed i n the l a t t e r part of th i s chapter, to be followed by a short discussion on the 'meaning' of the bronzes. There are twenty-eight 'grand' pieces and many of them were placed among the three-row arrangement on the f l o o r of the wooden chamber detailed discussion i n ch.
It i s generally true that the larger the vessel, the more crowded and r i c h e r the surface design. A good example i s the ou'fffi 'dual'-fangyi with 'fu hao' i n s c r i p t i o n f i g. The name 'oufangyi' has been termed because th i s vessel looks l i k e 'two fangyi being joined into one' YXFHM: This 'dual'-fangyi i s the only example of i t s kind among Shang bronzes. The structure looks l i k e a toy house packed with a design surface as r i c h and p l a y f u l as i t could possibly be.
The l i d looks l i k e a roof, with projecting 'eaves' immediately below i t. A bird motif f i t s ever so t i g h t l y into the small space between t h i s h orizontal kui and yet another larger and ver-t i c a l l y oriented kui at the periphery of the main f r i e z e. The remaining sections of thi s vessel show an extremely l i v e l y assembly of the various bird-motifs, owl-images, cicadas and other mystical animals, a l l executed i n high r e l i e f Loehr Style V.
Another 'grand'-size Fu Hao vess e l , a set of the van-steamer , , and p i. The three bowl-shaped zeng are removable, which may also suggest that t h i s i s a p r a c t i c a l vessel-set. This powerful sculpture i s the outcome of a dynamic juxaposition-ing of the natural b i r d form and the a r t i f i c i a l vessel form. The zun stands on the bird's two legs i n front and at the same time propped upward by i t s t a i l at the rear. The otherwise complete hemisphere on the top plane i s interrupted by the curving b i l l i n front.
The l i d covers only the back h a l f , allowing the f r o n t a l h a l f to remain permanently engaged as the bird's head and face; the l a t t e r i s at the same time a taotie image. There i s an owl-mask under the vessel handle at the rear which reminds one of the s i m i l a r owl-mask seen on the Fu Hao 'dual'-fangyi e a r l i e r f i g. Another pair of unusual vessels from the tomb i s the Fu Hao flat-legged fangding and p i.
This i s the only pair of Shang bronzes with the composite of a square vessel body fangding and f l a t t i s h legs. The largest Shang bronze vessel i s the S i Mu Wu fangding, which looks s i m i l a r to the present Xin fangding and has the same i n s c r i p t i o n a l format ' s i mu' with a d i f f e r -ent c y c l i c a l name 'wu' believed to function as a posthumous name.
The fangding was the most 'conventional' vessel type i n the sense that the shape and design saw the le a s t changes The Si Mu Xin Gong 79 over the few centuries of Shang c i v i l i z a t i o n. The Anyang fangding i s the 'lowered' version of the Zhengzhou fangding i n that the rim had been brought down to a l i g n with the top of the taotie f r i e z e see Wenwu f o r reproductions of the Zhengzhou fangding.
The change i n design seems to suggest a movement toward achieving a greater monumentality : a firmer and heavier structure. Yet the basic design scheme had been maintained and i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d , which was i t s e l f 7 a source f o r the same monumentality. The fangding was about the only vessel type that had a square or rectangular body i n the Zhengzhou phase.
Whereas th i s was no longer the case i n the Anyang period, as observed i n the tomb of Fu Hao, the s p e c i f i c functions of the fangding probably remained r e l a t i v e l y unchanged while the sacredness of the square or rectangular shape was relaxed. The p l a y f u l shape and decoration of the Hao 'dual'-fangyi seen e a r l i e r f i g.
The Xin-vessel group then, might have been. The monumental quality of the fangding may perhaps be understood i n t h i s context. The pair of S i Mu Xin gong and f i g. This i s ac t u a l l y a composite of an ox-like animal and a bi r d of some kind. When viewed from the rear, the pair of legs and the wing at the two sides immediately remind us of those seen e a r l i e r on the Fu Hao bird-shaped zun f i g.
When viewed from the fro n t , however, i t becomes an ox with v i v i d representations of the horns, eyes, and a long muzzle with clear jaws, mouth and snout. A large coiled dragon i s seen on the l i d. What I have been describing above are some of the larger vessels i n the Fu Hao tomb with height ranging from 36 to 80 cm. Most M5 vessels belong to the 'medium' size category, which include about ninety gu and jue pis.
There are also 'small' vessels, such as the uninscribed t i n y ding p i. It i s only There are also rare vessel types among the M5 bronzes unforeseen i n previous excavations or i n museum c o l l e c t i o n s.
The function of the Fu Hao dustpan-shaped object p i. There are bronzes whose structure seems to have been derived from conventional forms, but new additions ensured u t i l i t a r i a n ends. For example, the Fu Hao djjigrlike object p i.
Because of the unforeseen v a r i e t y and to a cer-ta i n extent, the s t y l i s t i c features, of the M5 "bronzes, a r t i f a c t u a l association with other Anyang bu r i a l s becomes very problematical see art h i s t o r i c a l and archaeological dating below. One of the greatest challenges of the Fu Hao tomb i s the demand-it implies f o r reexamination of- our concep-ti o n of the form sequence and design p r i n c i p l e of Shang bronzes.
This i s the f i r s t such occasion i n Shang archaeology. The problem 'may be examined i n few aspects, such as the number of bronzes, the composition of vessel types, formal features, and t h e i r placement i n the tomb. In terms of the number of bronzes, i t i s observed i n the above inventory that the figure may represent the r e l a -t i v e importance of the i n s c r i p t i o n a l group i n the assemblage, such as the numerous Pu Hao-bronzes, which presumably were o r i g i n a l l y cast f o r the tomb owner.
But thi s pattern may not always be acceptable, as i n the case of the Xin-bronzes, which are believed to be objects cast s o l e l y f o r mortuary purposes. For those groups that incorporate the gu and jue always both together —Pu Hao, Qiao, Ya Qi and Quan—the q quantity of each item i s always about ten or i t s multiples. We can thus speak of a gu-set and a jue-set. Formal simi l a r i t y i n each set also confirm t h i s s e r i a l concept. A further question may thus be asked as regard to the s i g n i f i -cance of the incorporation Pu Hao, Qiao, Ya Qi and Quan and the non-incorporation other i n s c r i p t i o n a l groups of the gju and jue i n the bronze grouping.
The four pairs of 'grand' vessels i n the group— fangzun and p i. Although the l a t t e r description cannot be said of the fanghu p i. Dressed with r e p e t i t i o u s t r i a n g l e s and garland-like ornaments on the shoulder, the fanghu has a certain flamboyance which i s an acute expression of the ornate qu a l i t y of the Qiao-vessels.
When we come to the Fu Hao-vessels, they seem to point to a d i f f e r e n t set of questions about Shang bronzes. What has been said about the s t y l i s t i c unity of Qiao-bronzes may not be applied to the Fu Hao-bronzes. On the other hand, however, i t i s possible to tabulate the re p e t i t i o u s use of a certa i n pattern of motif-formation among the Fu Hao-bronzes.
This taotie i s characterized by a p r o f i l e d head f a c i a l feature as a complete unbroken u n i t , a pair of huge inward curved horns, two flanking kui-dragons of about the same length as the entire height of the taotie but not touching the mask i t s e l f , and the body of the taotie i s never shown pis. The Fu Hao-bronzes, i n short, address questions on the r e l a t i v e significance of the mode of expres-sion 'qualities' and language of expression 'form r e l a tionships'.
The Ya-bronzes pose yet another set of questions. As d i s -cussed i n chapter I I I , the y a - o f f i c i a l s 1 a c t i v i t i e s covered both the 'core region' and the 'outer domain' of Shang, and they functioned as the royal house's representatives i n regional areas sometimes as high o f f i c i a l s and other times as subject r u l e r s. This implies that the Ya-bronzes could have been regional productions. The seemingly ' e a r l i e r ' s t y l i s t i c features of the Ya-bronzes, such as the Ya B i -ding p i.
Bernhard Karlgren, on the other hand, provided the f i r s t systematic analysis of the bronze art of the Shang r e s u l t i n g i n an i n t e r nal chronological d i v i s i o n , Other early work in t h i s area included that of Ludwig Bachhofer and Chen Mengjia , As f a r as the i n t e r n a l d i v i s i o n of the Shang period bronzes i s concerned, an important breakthrough was achieved by Max Loehr with h i s widely accepted 13 Fi v e - s t y l e scheme , Loehr explained that h i s analysis aimed at describing the ' t o t a l e f f e c t ' of the v e s s e l , taking the shape, the surface decoration and the technical c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s a l l into consideration Style I I : R e l i e f ribbons; harsh, heavy forms; incised appear-ance.
Style IV: F i r s t separation of motifs proper from s p i r a l s , which now become small and function as ground pattern. Styles IV and V, on the other hand, appeared sequentially during the Anyang phase With the discovery of the tomb of Fu Hao and the subsequent dating of the tomb to early Anyang, the Style IV-V sequence i n the Loehr scheme i s challenged because these styles were a l l apparent among the bronzes i n the tomb.
Generally, both Louisa Huber and V i r g i n i a Kane con-tinued to agree with the Loehr's sequence but disagreed 88 between themselves on the r e l a t i v e chronology of the l a t e r s t y l e s. The important contribution of Huber's paper i s her characterization of the post-M5 'Style V , i. The 'culmination of Shang bronze imagery', according to Huber, came about during the reigns of King Wuding and his immediate successors Zugeng and Z u j i a Bronze design deve-loped toward the reduction and r e g u l a r i z a t i o n of these con-ventionalized imageries with a corresponding move toward definiteness and assurance toward the l a t t e r part of Anyang.
The goal was a greater balance among the parts and a bolder image i n general ibid. This process of gradual stan-dardization and conventionalization i n imagery and design, Huber contended, corresponded to a s i m i l a r development i n the oracle bone language as described by David Keightl.
The i n s c r i p t i o n s record becomes a constant bureaucratic murmur, forming a routine background of invocation to the d a i l y l i f e of the l a t e Shang Kane also made reference to s o c i a l data i n r e l a t i o n to s t y l i s -t i c sequence, but t h i s was i n d i s t i n c t contrast to Huber's reference to the development of the oracle bone language.
Kane saw the development of Anyang culture as somewhat homo-geneous, or at l e a s t , accelerating on r e l a t i v e ' s i n g u l a r s o c i a l conditions. In her discussion on the 'fast happening' of Shang bronze art-, Kane cited George Kubler who suggested a set of s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s — a t e c h n i c a l l y trained and specia-l i z e d a r t i s a n c l a s s , a v i t a l urban environment, the rapid 'consumption' of art objects Kubler —as basis f o r a 'fast happening'.
Kane further pointed out that these conditions were not only s a t i s f i e d by the i n i t i a l Anyang period, but also continued and accelerated throughout i t s entire span. Dating the M5 to the Wuding. The differences between Huber's and Kane's opinions here are l i k e l y to involve the actual conceptions of form-sequence as well as the nature of the s o c i a l data c i t e d.
It seems that Kubler's s o c i a l conditions cited above are 'quantitative' descriptions of s o c i a l pheno mena J and would not incorporate, for instance, the actual 90 change i n the q u a l i t a t i v e use of oracle hone i n s c r i p t i o n s. An a l t e r n a t i v e view of perceiving the art h i s t o r i c a l problem of the Fu Hao tomb bronzes has been suggested by James Caswell whose main contribution i s to draw a clear d i s t i n c t i o n between the Zhengzhou and the Anyang bronzes by t h e i r under-l y i n g aesthetic p r i n c i p l e : Zhengzhou: Bronzes of the Zhengzhou t r a d i t i o n p e r s i s t e n t l y maintain a planar character.
In addition, there i s an additive q u a l i t y. That i s , the shape and the surface decor which co-exist as one f l a t surface layered upon the other. Anyang: Here a scul p t u r a l sense dominates. This derives from a thorough integration of shape and decor, the two r e i n f o r c i n g each other, as simultanelusly the vessel shape exudes into the decor and the decor presses into the shape I my i t a l i c s.
Applying t h i s understanding to the Fu Hao-bronzes, we may thus see the wide va r i e t y as pertaining to a singular s t y l i s -t i c category sharing the 'sculptural aesthetics', i n d i s t i n c t contrast to the 'additive' Zhengzhou bronzes.
This was f i r s t formulatedVby Zou Heng based on the various archaeological data such t. Chronological i n t e r r e l a t i o n : of Shang remains can only be conjectured from a combination. In short, we are not i n a po s i t i o n where a s a t i s f a c t o r y Shang archaeological periodization has been worked out, which i s pa r t l y why the archaeological dating of M5 i s very problematic.
Thus, instead of f i t t i n g M5 i n the o r i g i n a l periodization scheme of Zou Heng, suggestions have even been made to reconsider the c o r r e l a t i o n of archaeological periods and reigns of the Anyang kings. Robert Thorp analyzed the dispute between the.. It was shown that only four b u r i a l s were used by both f o r purposes of dating.
Three of these tombs—Xiaotun M p i. The major significance 9 4 of M i s that i t s bronzes are t y p o l o g i c a l l y closest to 27 th e i r M5 counterparts. However, there were only twelve bronzes yielded from M, and l i k e M5, the lo c a t i o n and stratigraphy informed us l i t t l e of the r e l a t i v e date of the tomb. L i Boqian suggested that M cut into house founda- -t i o n yi, which i n turn cut into a d i t c h which overlapped storage p i t s H and H At about the same l e v e l as yi was M, and bronzes which might be dated to the tran-s i t i o n a l Period I I - I I I phase Yet the purpose of the above study i s to suggest a certain dating f o r the M bronzes, and, eventually, the M5 bronzes.
The argument here becomes d i f f i c u l t because the author i s using h i s own opinion of a group of bronzes to date another group of bronzes. The fundamental problem i s again and again that the M 5 bronzes are too wide i n va r i e t y and too great i n number, so that they render any a r t i f a c t u a l association with other Anyang bu r i a l s extremely unsatisfying, e s p e c i a l l y when most of these tombs were previously looted and t h e i r dates are themselves questionable.
The various studies mentioned, i n both a r t h i s t o r y and archaeology, represent the d i f f e r e n t ways these scholars address the challenge offered by the tomb of Fu Hao. Inscriptional grouping may be correlated with the in t e r p r e t a t i o n of the inscriptions,, such as the r e l a -tionship between the monumentality of the Xin fangding p i. The great v a r i e t y of Fu Hao-bronzes representing a wide range of functions suggests the rather complete c o l l e c -t i o n of a single person, which helps to confirm Fu Hao as the owner of the tomb.
Concerning the Meaning of Shang Bronzes Interpretations of the meaning of Shang bronzes and t h e i r motifs may generally be grouped under three headlines or approaches, as reviewed by Katheryn Linduff : 1. As totems r e s t r i c t e d to groups of kin Guo ; Sun.
Primary documentation cannot r e s t heavily 33 on l i t e r a r y materials J see ch. Whereas archaeo-l o g i c a l data provide part of the evidence, the subject matter on the bronze decor often include f a n t a s t i c and abstract forms which cannot be deciphered by analogy to the r e a l world She also considered the totemic and shamanistic interpretations to be acceptable Ibid.
The same f l e x i b i l i t y i n the scope of interpretations i s also seen i n James Caswell's writings, who at the same time emphasized the p o l i t i c a l aspects of Shang bronze a r t : 98 Whether or not the animal character of the art describes a p a r t i c u l a r r e l i g i o u s , e s p e c i a l l y theriomorphic, b e l i e f can not be answered. Bestowing honour to and seeking benefit from ancestors may well have been the dominant, though not the only, purpose of the r i t u a l context The u l t i -mate referent of ceremonies and the supporting b e l i e f was no doubt the a f f a i r s of men on t h i s earth, and the manufacture and use of bronze a r t was both symbol and source of authority.
Recent archaeological studies on a r t have moved toward the trend of reconstructing the meaning of a c e r t a i n grouping of a r t i f a c t s by regarding i t as a s o c i a l - c u l t u r a l subsystem. Recent research trends i n a r t h i s t o r y have also placed greater emphasis i n the s o c i a l analyses of art and the importance of t h e o r e t i c a l constructions i n discerning the s o c i a l , e s p e c i a l l y p o l i t i c a l , 99 functions of art see, f o r instance, Hauser ; Wolff , As f a r as Shang bronze a rt i s concerned, the most powerful and refreshing hypothesis on r i t s purpose and meaning has been put f o r t h by Chang Kwang-CJhih i n his Art, Myth, and R i t u a l In the study Chang showed how art and myth in ancient China were in e x t r i c a b l y related to p o l i t i c s.
As having an exceptionally strong p o l i t i c a l orientation was an important feature of ancient Chinese c i v i l i z a t i o n , the p o l i t i c a l perspective served as a unifying theme i n our reconstruction of the meaning of early Chinese a r t , myth and r i t u a l. But the animal motifs should not only be understood i n the context of t h e i r r e l i g i o u s r o l e s , they were also highly valued as the symbolic treasure of the p o l i t i c a l houses: C l e a r l y , i f animals i n Shang and Zhou a r t were the p r i n c i p a l medium employed by shamans to communicate with heaven, then possession of animal-styled r i t u a l bronzes meant possession of the means of communication.
Possessors of such means of communication were invested with wisdom and thus with power and thus the path to p o l i t i c a l authority II note The main reason f o r our i n a b i l i t y to associate bronzes i n the museum c o l l e c t i o n s with the Xibeigang large tombs see ch. I note i s probably because most of the bronzes that belonged to the Shang king were not inscribed, except perhaps those inscribed with t h e i r posthumous appellations see ch.
III note The general problem with i n s c r i p -tions on Shang bronzes i s that , while, most bronzes do not have inscriptions, those inscribed pieces would have very short i n s c r i p t i o n s , usually not more than three or four graphs. As thi s paper was published pr i o r to the d i s -covery of the Fu Hao tomb, some of the discussions should be reconsidered i n the l i g h t of the new archaeological mate-r i a l.
By the time of Song, most of the vessel names were systematized. See note 7. See c h. Hou 1. Bingbian Ding jjjfr may also he considered i n a word-family, i. The flat-bottom S i Qiao Mu jue set p i. If so, th i s Notes; IV would have important new implication i n our understanding of bronze production i n Shang personal communications, Meyer Schapiro on ' s t y l e ' : Although there i s no established system of analysis and writers w i l l stress one or another aspect accord-ing to t h e i r viewpoint or problem, i n general the description of a st y l e r e f e r s to three aspects of a r t ; form element or motives, form r e l a t i o n s h i p s , and q u a l i t i e s including an a l l - o v e r q u a l i t y which we may c a l l the 'expression' Discussed further i n note 14 below.
Karlgren con-centrated h i s analysis on 'the decor of the body of the vessels' and advocated a ' s t a t i s t i c a l way' of dealing with the problem Ibid. C Elements are 'neutral 1 motifs which may be com-bined with either the Primary or the Secondary Styles Ibid. The Primary Style i s , i n regard to i t s decor, eminently an animal s t y l e. It works with taotie of various types, cicadas, a great v a r i e t y of dragons, b i r d s , snakes, occasionally elephants Max Loehr's 'Style V.
The Secondary Style i s the creation of a new style. Karlgren's proposition was c r i t i c i s e d by J. See note 14 below. Loehr's description concentrates on two formal aspects of the bronzes — the concreteness of the motifs proper such as the ta o t i e and the projection'of the surface decoration i.
Linduff comments that Loehr has not explained methodologically exactly how he arrived at such conclusions Linduff To make Loehr's scheme. The implication of t h i s suggestion i s almost a disengagement of the art h i s -t o r i c a l study of Shang bronzes from the other studies and data on Shang available to us. Loehr has not explained, i n Notes: IV other words, how his h e u r i s t i c solution stands i n r e l a t i v e to other Shang sources.
As discussed above, the Pu Hao-bronzes may point to the question on the r e l a t i v e importance of the mode of expression 'qualities' and language of expression 'form r e l a t i o n s h i p s '. The 'Pu Hao taotie'-formation could have been more s i g n i f i -cant to the Shang people than the ' t o t a l e f f e c t ' of the bronzes. In which case, the seemingly 'quantitative' method of Karlgren could be more s i g n i f i c a n t than the ' q u a l i -t a t i v e ' method of Loehr.
The problem, of course, i s our lack of understanding of what meaning the various formal aspects of bronzes held f o r the Shang. Interestingly, despite the general chronological sequential error of. Karlgren's Primary Style and Secondary Style, there has l a t e l y been some support of the scheme from anthropological perspective, nota-bly i n the writings of Chang Kwang-chih : More recent work along Karlgren's l i n e s has included an attempt to show that h i s A and B styles may be mani-f e s t not only on i n d i v i d u a l bronze vessels but also i n whole archaeological assemblages, a pattern of occurr?
Although we have to face the problem of the terminus post quem and terminus ante quem dates of an assembly of a r t i f a c t s from a single tomb, the i n s c r i p t i o n s on the Fu Hao-bronzes suggest that the entire group should be considered within a chronological range smaller than the l i f e s p a n of a single person. Note that a solution to whether 'fu hao' was a personal name or a general name pp..
That there was simply a single c o f f i n i n the tomb and the lar g e s t number of bronzes with the same i n s c r i p t i o n pertained to the tomb occupant i s a straight forward and highly l o g i c a l deduction. Later Middle Anyang Styles: A deliberate reduction and regu-l a r i z a t i o n of the imagery from the preceding Wuding period, as well as a s h i f t i n emphasis from the imagery i t s e l f and i t s expressiveness toward refinement of execu-t i o n.
This new tendency took e s s e n t i a l l y two forms: 1 Style Va: The designs raised from the surface are covered by a pattern which often i s very nearly i n d i s t i n g u i s h -able from that of the ground This mode of decoration de-emphasizes the images themselves. Through an increasing s i m p l i f i c a t i o n Notes: IV and standardization of the imagery and by continued per-f e c t i o n of execution, t h i s t r a d i t i o n produced the most c l a s s i c of a l l Shang vessels.
Late Anyang Styles: The continuation of the c l a s s i c s t y l e into the Late Anyang period and i t s transformation into what may j u s t i f i a b l y be c a l l e d a ' p o s t - c l a s s i c a l ' phase — heavy base, thick rim, prominent flanges, emphasis on weightiness and blunt r e g u l a r i t y.
Huber also attempts to locate the early evolution of Style-IV i n the pre-Wuding early Anyang through the changes i n the leiwen design which seem to have been based on the premise that leiwen patterns derived o r i g i n a l l y from the configurations of q u i l l s and curls of Style III Loehr The development of leiwen took a gradual path away from i t s predecessors toward greater uniformity i n i t s reduced rectangular shapes.
Huber, however, explained l i t t l e about the r e l a t i v e configuration of the. This deduction i s somewhat unconvincing because i t seems that the leiwen took t h e i r shape more because of t h e i r s p a t i a l assignment r e l a t i v e to the main motifs rather than being autonomous design units i n t h e i r own r i g h t.
Using only the leiwen to discuss an early Anyang s t y l i s t i c evolution would he a reversion to our previous method. Kane's views are discussed i n various sections i n the present paper: ch. III under Hao and Xin, ch. By 'quantitative' I mean the s o c i a l conditions suggested by Kubler were important but very general aspects of Anyang society.
Whereas they are generally true, they do not pro-vide us with detailed information on the ' q u a l i t a t i v e ' p o l i -t i c a l - r e l i g i o u s culture of Anyang society. Both the fang. This tomb i s dated to the Wuding reign by inscribed oracle-bones found i n i t. The three large fanghu now i n the Nezu Museum, Tokyo are said to come from Xibeigang Tomb ; these vessels feature formidable r e l i e f decoration and flanges.
Tomb has been assigned to the Wuding reign because of an antler with the i n s c r i p t i o n Ya Que, a name mentioned i n the oracle-bone texts of the period. These same p i t s contained inscribed oracle-bones datable to the Wuding-Zugeng reigns, i. I favour a combination of Caswell's 'Zhengzhou-Anyang' dicho-tomy and Huber's 'post-M5 Style V sequence as a chronologi-c a l framework f o r Shang bronzes. However,a few important questions remain to be accounted f o r.
One i s the question of the inception of the zoomorphic motifs on the bronzes. We have seen e a r l i e r that Karlgren thought they came before Notes: IV the geometric motifs hut Loehr reversed the order. Neither one, however, has discussed the possible s o c i a l context i n r e l a t i o n to the appearance of the zoomorphic motifs the 'meaning' of the bronzes.
Closely related to t h i s question i s the significance of the clear s t y l i s t i c d i s t i n c t i o n between Zhengzhou and Anyang bronzes. The excavators of the sessions at Anyang 'learned f i e l d techniques on the job; t h e i r methods changed during the course of the work, which precluded publication of a complete stratigraphy. The sole basis f o r dating these remains has been the association of inscribed oracle-bones with foundations or burials' Thorp A periodiza-t i o n based on ceramic typology at the Dasikong Cun s i t e was the f i r s t attempt i n developing a r e l a t i v e chronological sequence by a r t i f a c t u a l association Kaogu yanjiusuo In , Zou Heng was able to incorporate a l l preceding materials into h i s proposal f o r a comprehensive periodiza-t i o n of Yinxu or Anyang culture.
Not a l l the materials of the sessions, now kept i n Taiwan, have been published. Shi Zhangru's dating of these tombs see table i s based on the association of these b u r i a l s — o f t e n merely geographical— Notes: IV with the Xiaotun house foundation groupings.
These groupings are i n turn attributed to the reign periods of Anyang by vi r t u e of the oracle bones found within or around the areas of the foundations see L i Chi V i r g i n i a Kane's dating of these tombs see t a b l e , on the other hand, i s l a r g e l y based on a study of the bronzes yielded from them. Five sets of human s k e l e t a l remains were found.
Among the b u r i a l goods were bronzes, jades, pottery and bone objects. Bronzes from Xiaotun M Notes: IV There were twelve bronze vessels: 3 gu, 3 jue, 1 l e i t 1 hu 1 you, 1 j i a and 2 fangyi f i g. For the complete excavation report see Shi Compare : M M5 fangyi p i.
The clearest explanation- i s found i n Zheng a : The dating of the Fu Hao Tomb i s extremely important, since dating i s basic to any comparative study. In view of the f a c t that bronzes with Fu Hao and Z i Yu i n s c r i p t i o n s were associated with Period II pottery, i t i s clear that Yinxu Period II could be as early as the reign of King Wuding, and i t s lower l i m i t s could not be l a t e r than King Zujia. Consequently, the lower l i m i t s of Period I could not be l a t e r than King Wuding, and i t s upper l i m i t s could be e a r l i e r than King Wuding.
It shows that many changes had taken place during the Wuding period and not i n the l a t e r phases of the Yin period a See Linduff part II note My notes 29, 31 and 32 re f e r to sources i n Linduff's book which I have not read.
In Ackerman preface. See L i n d u f f part I I note And probably w i l l never solve? Ma Chengyuan also comments that the r i t u a l context should not be regarded as the f i n a l purpose of the bronzes. The bronzes ought to be regarded as having the i d e o l o g i c a l function of the maintainance and aggrandization of the p o l i -t i c a l authority of those i n power This i s a rare incidence i n Shang archaeology whereby patterns of arrangement of a single category of b u r i a l goods may be discerned.
In Yinxu Fu Hao mu, i t has been r i g h t l y pointed out that the Fu Hao-bronzes were placed i n the cen-t r a l positions of each row, and therefore the Fu Hao-bronzes were the most s i g n i f i c a n t i n s c r i p t i o n a l group YXFHM I wish to propose that the placement of these large bronze vessels of about 40 to 80 cm i n height observed three p r i n c i p l e s of organization: 1.
That t h i s corner-emphasis was in t e n t i o n a l was suggested by the breaking down of the symmetrical arrangement of the and Xin fangding pair i n order to allow the Ya B i ding to take up the northwest corner position.
The same phenomenon occurred i n the southwest corner, where and , the Qiao-. In the southeast corner, however, and Qiao fanghu pair were placed together because the southeast corner pertained to the Qiao-bronzes. Symmetrical arrangement was s a c r i f i c e d only i f the corner was to be taken up by a representative of another i n s c r i p -t i o n a l group.
The placement of Fu Hao-bronzes i n the middle of each row was obvious. Regarding the t h i r d p r i n c i p l e , the symmetri-ca l arrangement, the following phenomena may be highlighted. In the western row, Fu Hao-bronzes were placed s l i g h t l y to the north i n order to allow the and Qiao zun pair to be placed next to each other. A symmetrical contrast occurred i n the eastern row, where the and Qiao fangzun pair were placed together, and therefore the Fu Hao-bronzes on the row were pushed s l i g h t l y to the south.
The Fu Hao-bronzes i n both the western row and the eastern row had the pattern of having a pair i n the middle flanked by two i n d i v i d u a l bronzes at the two sides, eg. That the arrangement i n the eastern row was a symmetrical- r e f l e c t i o n of the western row was further sug-gested "by the existence of counterparts the other one of the pair of Hao f a n g l e i and Hao hu elsewhere i n the tomb Hao f a n g l e i and Hao hu 2. These were areas outside the Anyang core that were i n the economic i n t e r e s t of the Shang king.
In the l a t e r Period IV, however, they were included Ch'en Perhaps the i n i t i a l non-incorporation and l a t e r incorporation of sifang i n the harvest-divination suggests the success of the. Shang -. The 'Four-Directions' then, might embody a sense of the expansion of Shang p o l i t i c a l influence to the surrounding regions. We are to l d by l a t e r h i s t o r i c a l accounts that the King Wuding period was a time of great expansion of the Shang p o l i t i c a l sphere.
The Royal domain was of a thousand l i , that was where the people of our tri b e s e t t l e d ; but he also delimited and set boundaries for those states between the four seas. The states between the four seas a l l came i n homage After he ascended the throne, he t r a n q u i l l i z e d Yin's State, i t reached to small and great. There were none who peradventure bore resentment against him. Thus Gaozong's enjoyment of the realm lasted f o r f i f t y -f i v e years.
If indeed the dating of the tomb of Fu Hao to the time of Wuding i. The Ya-bronzes i n the tomb of Fu Hao were probably 'diplo-matic g i f t s ' or tributes of some kind, presented by. Indeed, the two representations of Ya-bronzes among the chamber f l o o r arrangement of large bronze vessels had actual physical d i r e c t i o n a l reference.
Bi and Qi Q were situated to the west of the Shang c a p i t a l and the two Ya-bronzes were indeed placed on the northwest and southwest corners of the tomb. This actual physical reference further suggests the possible intimate r e l a t i o n s h i p between the placement of bronzes. Gao including a functional explanation Guo Baojun It could be that i t may be understood i n the same context, as an expression of the Shang p o l i t i c a l ideo-logy of the four-directions or -corners, and thus a symbol of power and authority just as the bronzes themselves represent see pp.
This suggests that only one representative of the Ya Qi-group was required i n the placement of large vessels on the f l o o r of the wooden chamber. Similar to the case described i n note 1 above. Here, how-ever, the selections conformed more to the rule of symmetri-c a l arrangement corresponding to the western row.
Other four-cardinal or quincuncial concepts include the names of the four-winds Chen Banghuai v. Cardinal point designations were also used on shrines, parts of b u i l d i n g , places, towns and so on Ch'en , , , , , I note IY note